C34 and UN peacekeeping missions in West Africa and the Sahel: security governance, operational challenges, and regional instability

Peacekeeping missions deployed in West Africa, and particularly in the Sahel region, constitute one of the most complex experiments in contemporary international governance. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the deterioration of security in countries such as Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso has required the creation of a new multilevel architecture involving international organizations, regional actors, and external powers. This framework reflects both the growing internationalization of African crises and the structural limitations of classical peacekeeping models.

International security architecture in the Sahel

The crisis in the Sahel has not been managed by a single actor, but rather through a hybrid system of interventions combining military operations, institutional assistance, and the training of local forces.

The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), established in 2013 following the country’s institutional collapse and the expansion of jihadist groups in the north, represented the central pillar of the international effort. Its primary objectives were to support the implementation of peace agreements, protect civilians, and strengthen state authority. However, the mission operated in an extremely hostile environment characterized by insurgencies, asymmetric terrorism, and weak state legitimacy.

At the same time, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) played an essential political role. Beyond its economic dimension, the regional organization acted as a mechanism for mediation, diplomatic pressure, and institutional stabilization, especially following recurrent coups d’état in the region. Its involvement illustrates the growing importance of African-led solutions to continental crises, albeit with limited capabilities.

For its part, the European Union contributed through the European Union Training Mission in Mali (EUTM Mali), focused on training and professionalizing the Malian armed forces. This non-combat mission aimed to improve local operational capacity to enable the gradual withdrawal of international forces, emphasizing institutional capacity-building as a long-term security strategy.

Finally, France led Operation Barkhane until 2022, after nine years as an evolution of previous interventions. Unlike multilateral missions, Barkhane was an offensive counterterrorism operation aimed at neutralizing armed groups across the Sahel belt. Its regional deployment highlighted the interconnected nature of threats among states and the difficulty of containing them within national borders.

Functioning of peacekeeping missions

Operations in the Sahel follow a model that combines security, governance, and development, moving away from traditional peacekeeping based solely on separating opposing forces.

The mandate constitutes the central legal element. In the case of the United Nations, it is approved through a Security Council resolution under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, allowing the use of force to protect civilians and ensure stability. This legal framework grants international legitimacy but also imposes political constraints derived from consensus among global powers.

Missions integrate three main components. The military component provides territorial security, humanitarian escorts, and deterrence against armed actors. The police component focuses on rebuilding internal security systems by training local forces capable of maintaining order. Finally, the civilian component works in areas such as human rights, political reconciliation, administration, and electoral support. This structure reflects that security depends as much on institutions as on military presence.

These operations generally unfold in three phases. The first is deployment, characterized by the gradual arrival of troops and the establishment of logistical infrastructure. The second is stabilization, focused on reducing violence, restoring state presence, and facilitating judicial and political processes. Finally comes the transition phase, aimed at transferring responsibilities to local authorities and reducing external presence. In the Sahel, however, this transition remains problematic due to insurgencies, institutional fragility, and repeated coups.

Financing and international contribution

The sustainability of peacekeeping missions relies on financial mechanisms and burden-sharing among members. Within the United Nations, financing is based on mandatory assessed contributions calculated according to each country’s economic capacity. Developed powers provide most of the operational budget, while many other states contribute mainly through troop deployments. This model creates a structural division between those who finance missions and those who assume operational risks, raising debates about equity, legitimacy, and the distribution of human costs.

Beyond the multilateral system, the Sahel has received regional and external support. The European Union has funded training programs and technical assistance; the United States provides intelligence and logistical support; and the African Union, alongside regional organizations such as ECOWAS, has attempted to coordinate joint responses to transnational threats. Nevertheless, the overlap of actors has generated coordination problems, duplication of efforts, and, in many cases, inefficient use of resources.

Local rejection and political tensions

United Nations peacekeeping missions, particularly the so-called “blue helmets,” represent one of the most consolidated tools of the international system for maintaining peace and collective security. However, their trajectory has not been free from controversy. Despite their formal legitimacy and Security Council mandate, these operations have faced serious allegations of misconduct and actions that have undermined their credibility on the ground.

One of the most notable examples occurred in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where protests against the mission resulted in civilian deaths. Allegations included excessive use of force, abuse of authority, and documented cases of sexual exploitation and abuse against local women. These incidents affected not only the image of the specific mission but also cast a shadow over the broader peacekeeping model. The organization itself acknowledged structural shortcomings, including deficiencies in training, oversight, and accountability, highlighting the need to strengthen disciplinary standards and internal control mechanisms.

Beyond individual abuses, a broader issue of legitimacy and local acceptance persists. In several contexts, international forces have been perceived as external interference or as detached from local social and cultural realities. This perception erodes one of the fundamental pillars of traditional peacekeeping: the consent of the parties. When local populations question a mission’s usefulness or impartiality, operational effectiveness inevitably declines.

Criticism of peacekeeping forces therefore reflects not only isolated misconduct but a deeper crisis surrounding the international intervention model—particularly within the United Nations framework. Failures to prevent abuses, slow institutional responses, and perceptions of impunity have fueled narratives questioning the coherence between UN discourse and practice on the ground. While this does not negate achievements in multiple contexts, it underscores that the reputation of peace operations depends as much on strategic performance as on individual conduct, as well as on local societal acceptance.

Sovereigntist narratives and disinformation

The challenges facing UN peace tools are not only operational. The Sahel is experiencing what some analysts describe as a second wave of nationalism. For example, the government of Mali demanded the withdrawal of MINUSMA, while authorities in Burkina Faso denounced what they described as neo-colonial actions by countries such as France.

Alongside this trend runs the growing influence of disinformation, which plays a key role in shaping public opinion. Artificial intelligence and limited digital literacy have become decisive political factors in the Sahel. Social media has turned into a complex information battlefield where distinguishing reality from fiction becomes increasingly difficult. Political narratives can more easily conceal falsehoods, generating hatred, misinformation, and polarization that, in certain contexts, fuel radicalization, extremism, and terrorist activity.

Relations with Military Juntas and Transitional Governments

A clear cause-and-effect dynamic has emerged: rejection of UN forces has encouraged governments to adopt nationalist positions and reject certain external actors. This has contributed to the formation of transitional governments or military juntas supported by voices advocating countries free from foreign interference.

In recent months, alongside the nationalist wave, several transitional governments—either newly installed or born from coups d’état—have strained relations with what they describe as colonial powers or Western actors. In some cases, this environment has facilitated the involvement of alternative international actors, such as the Wagner Group, often to the detriment of traditional peacekeeping operations.

Main threats in West Africa and the Sahel

Among the region’s principal threats is the activity of terrorist organizations such as JNIM, linked to Al-Qaeda and seeking territorial control. These groups exploit identity narratives to recruit and indoctrinate youth, carrying out violence and intimidation against opposition. This threat endangers civilian lives and rights while also provoking restrictive national responses that may limit civil liberties, including religious freedoms.

The consolidation of such forces recalls experiences observed in the Mashreq region with the rise of the Islamic State, whose rule produced extreme violence and atrocities comparable to some of the harshest civil wars in modern history.

Institutional fragility and Coups d’État, humanitarian crisis and geopolitical competition

Terrorism has found fertile ground in the Sahel due to political instability, fragile institutions, military governments, and widespread social dissatisfaction and polarization. The region has also become a space where Western influence is increasingly challenged, as well as a platform for diminishing residual European power in Africa. Both jihadist groups and external powers benefiting from instability have exploited these dynamics.

For Europe, instability in West Africa directly translates into a security concern. Violence, poverty, and desperation drive migration flows toward safer destinations, placing pressure on already strained welfare systems. Europe must therefore manage humanitarian challenges while confronting threats originating in the region.

At the same time, Europe is not the only actor involved. The United States, China, and Russia each approach the Sahel differently, pursuing interests that may include access to strategic resources, geopolitical positioning, influence over governments, or broader strategic competition reminiscent of Middle Eastern power dynamics.

Mali as a structural case study

The Tuareg rebellion in northern Mali (2012–2015) emerged from longstanding inequality and political marginalization between north and south, aggravated by humanitarian crises such as the 2010–2011 droughts. The National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) launched armed actions seeking autonomy for Kidal, Gao, and Timbuktu, while a coup against President Amadou Toumani Touré and the declaration of Azawad’s independence further destabilized the country.

Radical Islamist groups such as Ansar Dine and AQIM later displaced the MNLA and imposed sharia-based governance, leading to severe human rights violations and escalating regional violence. International intervention—through UN Resolution 2085, the AFISMA mission, and France’s Operation Serval—halted Islamist advances and protected major cities, while Algeria facilitated preliminary peace negotiations. These culminated in the 2015 Algiers Peace Agreement, which partially reduced violence without eliminating structural drivers such as institutional weakness, corruption, porous borders, strategic resources, and illicit networks.

Although international pressure, external military intervention, and dialogue helped reduce violence, the conflict left lasting consequences: around 2,000 deaths, tens of thousands displaced, food insecurity affecting more than three million people, and significant economic damage. Persistent structural and cultural violence, combined with incomplete implementation of peace agreements, continues to challenge long-term stability in Mali.

Operational limitations and the withdrawal of MINUSMA

The mandate of MINUSMA ultimately faced challenges that undermined its original design. The emergence of hybrid terrorist threats, the involvement of competing international actors, logistical constraints, and rejection by local authorities created overwhelming obstacles. Political changes within Mali further limited operational capacity.

The Malian case marked a significant institutional setback for the United Nations, challenging perceptions of the organization as a sufficient guarantor of stability. It also demonstrated that international cooperation must involve not only host governments but also local populations to ensure mission ownership and legitimacy. The experience highlighted the need to update operational capacities and strengthen cooperation with influential regional organizations such as the African Union.

In 2023, President Diop accused the mission of being part of the problem and formally requested its termination before the United Nations. Although MINUSMA achieved notable successes during its early years, factors such as militarization, declining local acceptance, and tensions with Western actors ultimately undermined its long-term viability.